International Law: Principles of Big States?
Use of force to achieve or protect national interest
of states has been an important behavioral attribute of states. It may include
violence, persuasion, intervention in decision making of a sovereign state etc.
Most of the works in international relations mention use of force to indicate
war and military interventions which is a limited or narrowed view. Since the
emergence of modern international law, states have driven by concepts of jus ad
bellum and jus in Bello to define universal peaceful settlements of disputes. Though
they are philosophical, justification of war has been narrowly and is also most
accepted in realist realm - in two ways, one is justification to national
security and other is a justification to state security.
As the entire discipline of international Law is
hegemoniesed by western theories and scholars, we shall start from their
discussion. European efforts to bring states around a common table for peaceful
negotiations are seen from late 19th century. In 1899, convention
for pacific settlement of international disputes was formed with little
success. Again, it was tried in 1907 Hague peace conference with the same
outcome. According to article 11, article 12 of this convention, any war or
threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the members of the league
or not, is here by declared a matter of concern to the whole league. Thus, it
offered a form of collective security, the term which used in the formative
principles of League of Nations after WWI. Even after the WWI, Under US
leadership, there was pact of Paris, 1928 signed by 56 states which could not
stop the next war.
The failure of any conventions or agreements of
between any numbers of nations can be attributed to the very nature of states.
According to E.H. Carr, rules and regulation in international system are
accepted by states until they fall in their national interest. The moment they
drift away from the latter, states no longer respect the regulations or any
rules (if exist).
After WWII, certain principles have been agreed upon
for peaceful settlements. According to resolution 2625 of UNGA, states shall
refrain from use of force against the territorial integrity or political
independence of any state. It lays 7 basic principles which points to the
latter mentioned refrainment. But, these are just principles not rules. Which
means these are just legal backers for the actions taken by any state. They are
just reason for reaching conclusions. Article 2(4) provides for similar clause
as in Article 11 of Hague convention 1907. It says
All members shall refrain in their international relations
from the threat or use of force against territorial integrity or political independence
of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purpose of the United
Nations. This also provides for use of force in self defence under article 51
and 52 which is seen as contradictory to article 2(4).
United Nations authorization of force can be
understood if seen from the spectacles of Copenhagen school of securitization
where they say that securitization is political rather than it is being in
existence. Robert Cox’s problem solving theory efficiently explains the United Nations
conventions on use of force to uphold the global peace. Article 41 from chapter
VII may be said to be in line with 2(4) as it imposes only economic sanctions without
any military intervention. But, under article 42, it ‘may take such action by
sea, air, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore
international peace and security.
If we look at the peace keeping operations which are
hailed by UN with the hind sight of the latter mentioned internationally agreed
norms, they work only in the regions where major powers of the world do not
have any confrontation. They appear in Somalia, Cyprus, and Sudan etc. But, no
such forces in Ukraine, Pakistan, Yemen, Syria as the position either will be
occupied by NATO or Russia or any other country such as China in SCS (South
China Sea).
The rules of UN are only applicable if major powers
want them to be applied. It can be seen from numerous events across the world. According
to National Security Strategy of Us, 2006 which extends their use of force
against terrorists which is non-state actors considers using force against
anyone which or who is seen as a threat to national interest. Also the right to
use of force which is used against over whelming humanitarian catastrophe is
subjective and can be used for further incidents such as US invasion of Iraq,
2003.
Even the Responsibility to protect which was adopted
to make up for the failure of UN during the humanitarian crisis in Rwanda
genocide, Kosovo and other incidents of 1990s have limited respect as states
use to pursue their national interest but not really obliged for
humanitarianism. Example is Uyghur issue. In this case no country says anything
even if there is complete genocide of that community. Thus, all the
conventions, principles act only in the interest of states and not make any
international law.
Civil
war in any states? Then is it the same condition when it is seen from the
spectacles of international law?
Does
international community consider state as belligerent or the civil uprising/
armed conflict against state? In normal conditions, external states would
remain neutral in case of civil war as it is considered as domestic matter. Additional
protocol II of Geneva convention which is first of its kind, talks about civil
wars and protection of civilians from harsh use of force. Article 4 of this optional protocol speaks
about not harming any person who is not part of the hostilities. But the new
phenomenon of internet and thus connected social media, brings in a question
whether instigating the public by personal opinion is a direct involvement or
not?
This
is a million dollar question and is left to public and states to infer.
According to me. The old rules have been set in a pre – technological period.
Now in the generation where technology changes per every second, principles of
liberty also changes. In the name of liberty we cannot sacrifice order of the
society. Already following positive liberty must be modified in such a way that
it takes all the masses happily with it.
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